Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a knack for distilling complex strategies into crisp phrases. At the 25th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, he did it again: India’s regional vision rests on three letters—S, O, C.
Security. Opportunity. Connectivity.
On the surface, it was a diplomatic speech. Beneath that, it was a strategic message, aimed not only at SCO members but also at the wider geopolitical audience watching closely.
Security first, no exceptions
For Modi, the priority is clear: security underpins development. “Security, peace and stability are the basis of development of any country. But terrorism, separatism and extremism are big challenges in this path,” he told fellow leaders.
Also Read: Terror financing, Ukraine & global bullies: What troika of Modi, Putin & Xi said at SCO summit
Terrorism, he stressed, is not a localised threat. “No country, no society, no citizen can consider itself safe from it.” The message was pointed, directed at regional actors accused of harbouring or tolerating terrorist groups.
Without naming Pakistan, Modi asked: “Can the open support of terrorism by some countries be acceptable to us?” He warned against double standards, urging the SCO to “oppose terrorism in every colour and form.”
India’s experience with cross-border terrorism is painfully tangible. “So many mothers lost their children and so many children became orphans,” he said, invoking the April 22 Pahalgam attack, which claimed 26 lives.
He framed it as “a blow to India’s conscience” and “not only an attack on India's soul but an open challenge to all the countries that believe in humanity.”
Modi underlined India’s proactive role against terror financing and extremist networks. “India has taken the lead in the fight against terror outfits like Al-Qaeda and its associates, and we oppose any kind of terror-financing. We have recently seen the brutal Pahalgam terror attack. I thank all the friendly nations who stood with us.”
The SCO collectively condemned the massacre in the Tianjin Declaration, demanding accountability. “The Member States strongly condemned the terrorist attack in Pahalgam on 22 April 2025. They expressed their deepest sympathy and condolences to the families of the dead and the wounded. They further stated that perpetrators, organisers and sponsors of such attacks must be brought to justice.”
The remarks carried added diplomatic weight, made in the presence of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, the first time Modi and Sharif shared a stage since hostilities escalated earlier this year. India has accused Pakistan of sponsoring the attack, presenting what it described as “incontrovertible evidence” of Islamabad’s role.
Also Read: India–Pakistan tensions spill into SCO summit as Modi and Shehbaz keep their distance in Tianjin
In retaliation, the Indian military launched Operations Sindoor and Mahadev against militant infrastructure along the Line of Control. Following the massacre, India took decisive steps to downgrade ties, including suspending the Indus Waters Treaty.
Connectivity with trust, not coercion
If security was the hard edge of Modi’s message, connectivity was its strategic, softer counterpart. “India firmly believes that strong connectivity fosters not just trade, but trust and development,” he said.
“That is why we are advancing projects like Chabahar and the International North-South Transport Corridor, which will deepen links to Afghanistan and Central Asia.”
The remark was a subtle counterpoint to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, particularly the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which cuts through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Linking Gwadar Port with China’s Xinjiang province, CPEC is a flagship BRI project, but one India views as coercive.
Also Read: Did PM Modi take a jibe at China's Belt and Road Initiative with his 'connectivity' remark at SCO Summit?
Modi’s emphasis was different: partnership over pressure, respect over compulsion. “Connectivity that bypasses sovereignty loses trust and meaning,” he warned.
Two projects illustrate India’s approach: Chabahar Port in Iran and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Together, they form a trade artery linking India to Central Asia, Russia and Europe, bypassing Pakistan and reducing dependence on the Suez Canal.
The INSTC spans 7,200 kilometres across sea, rail and road, involving 13 countries. Signed in 2000 by India, Iran and Russia, milestones include India’s first container shipment to Russia in 2014, the eastern branch launch through Kazakhstan in 2022, and completion of the Rasht–Bandar-e Anzali railway in 2024.
Construction of the Rasht–Astara link, the western corridor’s final piece, is scheduled for 2025. Freight is already moving along operational segments, with shipments to Kazakhstan and Russia surging.
Yet challenges remain. Chabahar operates under the shadow of US sanctions, which, despite earlier exemptions, create uncertainty and deter private investment.
Also Read: Always a delight: PM Modi, Russian President Vladimir Putin share a warm hug during SCO Summit
Meanwhile, conflicts affecting the Red Sea and Suez Canal only heighten the corridor’s strategic relevance. For India, these projects represent 21st-century trade diplomacy: sovereignty respected, partnerships meaningful, trust as the currency of influence.
China and Russia in numbers
India’s trade in 2025-26 reflects strong growth, persistent structural challenges and strategic dependencies. Between April and July, exports rose nearly 20% to $5.75 billion, while imports grew 13% to $40.65 billion.
For the full 2024-25 fiscal year, exports stood at $14.25 billion against imports of $113.5 billion, highlighting the trade deficit. Over two decades, this gap has widened, from $1.1 billion in 2003-04 to $99.2 billion in 2024-25.
China remains the largest contributor in India’s total trade imbalance of $283 billion, accounting for roughly 35%. The deficit with China alone reached $85.1 billion in 2023-24.
GTRI analysis shows India’s reliance on Chinese imports in critical sectors: 97.7% of erythromycin, 96.8% of silicon wafers, 86% of flat-panel displays, 82.7% of solar cells, 75.2% of lithium-ion batteries, 80.5% of laptops, 91.4% of embroidery machinery and 98.9% of viscose yarn are Chinese-sourced.
Ajay Srivastava, GTRI founder, warns that such dominance gives Beijing leverage, turning supply chains into instruments of pressure during political tensions.
India’s exports to China have dwindled to just 11.2% of bilateral trade, down from 42.3% two decades ago. Most imports are raw materials and capital goods used in domestic manufacturing and exports, highlighting structural gaps rather than purely strategic over-reliance.
As for India-Russia trade, bilateral trade hit a record $68.7 billion in FY 2024-25, nearly six times the pre-pandemic level of $10.1 billion, with India exporting $4.88 billion and importing $63.84 billion.
Indian exports include agricultural products, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, iron and steel, ceramics, machinery, aeroplane components, glassware, textiles, leather goods and electrical equipment.
Russian exports comprise oil and petroleum products, fertilisers, machinery, mineral fuels, precious metals and vegetable oils. Services trade remains stable, favouring Russia with $1.021 billion in 2021.
Also Read: Why Modi’s chat with China’s command centre Cai Qi, not Xi, may decide what happens next
Both sides aim to reach $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030.
Investments have grown steadily. India’s investments in Russia stood at $16 billion in October 2023, up from $6.5 billion in 2011, while Russian investments in India reached around $20 billion.
Indian capital flows focus on energy and pharmaceuticals; Russian investments target energy, petrochemicals, banking, railways and steel. Leaders aim for USD 50 billion in bilateral investment by 2025.
However, trilateral cooperation under the RIC (Russia, India, China) framework remains largely aspirational. Political cohesion exists on paper, but meaningful economic projects have yet to materialise.
India–China tensions continue to constrain initiatives, even as both maintain strong bilateral ties with Moscow.
Opportunity in reform and people-to-people ties
The third pillar of Modi’s regional vision, opportunity, extends beyond economics. For India, it encompasses cooperation connecting people: startups, youth empowerment, traditional medicine, digital inclusion and cultural heritage.
Modi suggested creating a Civilisational Dialogue Forum under SCO to showcase art, literature and traditions globally: “Our effort was to take SCO beyond governments. Connect common people, young scientists, scholars and startups as well.”
He argued that confining the Global South’s aspirations to outdated frameworks is unjust: “We cannot project the colourful dreams of the new generation on an old black-and-white screen. The screen needs to be changed.”
Domestic reforms are central to this vision.
“We are constantly working on wide-ranging reforms. This is opening up new opportunities for development in the country as well as international cooperation. I invite all of you to join India's development journey.”
Also Read: In China, SCO member states formally adopt India's vision of "One Earth, One Family, One Future"
Modi also welcomed SCO’s evolving approach to contemporary challenges: “Four new centers are being created to deal with contemporary challenges like organised crime, drug trafficking and cyber security. We welcome this reform-oriented mindset.”
He extended the vision to global reform: “SCO members can increase mutual cooperation for reforms in global institutions. On the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we can unanimously call for UN reform.”
The road ahead
Modi’s three-letter formula -- S, O, C -- is less a slogan and more a layered statement, aimed differently at each actor:
To Pakistan: terrorism will not be normalised.
To China: connectivity projects cannot ignore sovereignty.
To Russia: keep the INSTC alive despite sanctions.
The formula signals India’s intent: security without compromise, connectivity with respect, and opportunity that extends beyond elites to people themselves.
Whether geopolitics allows these ambitions to take full shape remains to be seen. For now, S, O, C stands as a statement of vision, strategy and principle.
Security. Opportunity. Connectivity.
On the surface, it was a diplomatic speech. Beneath that, it was a strategic message, aimed not only at SCO members but also at the wider geopolitical audience watching closely.
Security first, no exceptions
For Modi, the priority is clear: security underpins development. “Security, peace and stability are the basis of development of any country. But terrorism, separatism and extremism are big challenges in this path,” he told fellow leaders.
Also Read: Terror financing, Ukraine & global bullies: What troika of Modi, Putin & Xi said at SCO summit
Terrorism, he stressed, is not a localised threat. “No country, no society, no citizen can consider itself safe from it.” The message was pointed, directed at regional actors accused of harbouring or tolerating terrorist groups.
Without naming Pakistan, Modi asked: “Can the open support of terrorism by some countries be acceptable to us?” He warned against double standards, urging the SCO to “oppose terrorism in every colour and form.”
India’s experience with cross-border terrorism is painfully tangible. “So many mothers lost their children and so many children became orphans,” he said, invoking the April 22 Pahalgam attack, which claimed 26 lives.
He framed it as “a blow to India’s conscience” and “not only an attack on India's soul but an open challenge to all the countries that believe in humanity.”
Modi underlined India’s proactive role against terror financing and extremist networks. “India has taken the lead in the fight against terror outfits like Al-Qaeda and its associates, and we oppose any kind of terror-financing. We have recently seen the brutal Pahalgam terror attack. I thank all the friendly nations who stood with us.”
The SCO collectively condemned the massacre in the Tianjin Declaration, demanding accountability. “The Member States strongly condemned the terrorist attack in Pahalgam on 22 April 2025. They expressed their deepest sympathy and condolences to the families of the dead and the wounded. They further stated that perpetrators, organisers and sponsors of such attacks must be brought to justice.”
The remarks carried added diplomatic weight, made in the presence of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, the first time Modi and Sharif shared a stage since hostilities escalated earlier this year. India has accused Pakistan of sponsoring the attack, presenting what it described as “incontrovertible evidence” of Islamabad’s role.
Also Read: India–Pakistan tensions spill into SCO summit as Modi and Shehbaz keep their distance in Tianjin
In retaliation, the Indian military launched Operations Sindoor and Mahadev against militant infrastructure along the Line of Control. Following the massacre, India took decisive steps to downgrade ties, including suspending the Indus Waters Treaty.
Connectivity with trust, not coercion
If security was the hard edge of Modi’s message, connectivity was its strategic, softer counterpart. “India firmly believes that strong connectivity fosters not just trade, but trust and development,” he said.
“That is why we are advancing projects like Chabahar and the International North-South Transport Corridor, which will deepen links to Afghanistan and Central Asia.”
The remark was a subtle counterpoint to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, particularly the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which cuts through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Linking Gwadar Port with China’s Xinjiang province, CPEC is a flagship BRI project, but one India views as coercive.
Also Read: Did PM Modi take a jibe at China's Belt and Road Initiative with his 'connectivity' remark at SCO Summit?
Modi’s emphasis was different: partnership over pressure, respect over compulsion. “Connectivity that bypasses sovereignty loses trust and meaning,” he warned.
Two projects illustrate India’s approach: Chabahar Port in Iran and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Together, they form a trade artery linking India to Central Asia, Russia and Europe, bypassing Pakistan and reducing dependence on the Suez Canal.
The INSTC spans 7,200 kilometres across sea, rail and road, involving 13 countries. Signed in 2000 by India, Iran and Russia, milestones include India’s first container shipment to Russia in 2014, the eastern branch launch through Kazakhstan in 2022, and completion of the Rasht–Bandar-e Anzali railway in 2024.
Construction of the Rasht–Astara link, the western corridor’s final piece, is scheduled for 2025. Freight is already moving along operational segments, with shipments to Kazakhstan and Russia surging.
Yet challenges remain. Chabahar operates under the shadow of US sanctions, which, despite earlier exemptions, create uncertainty and deter private investment.
Also Read: Always a delight: PM Modi, Russian President Vladimir Putin share a warm hug during SCO Summit
Meanwhile, conflicts affecting the Red Sea and Suez Canal only heighten the corridor’s strategic relevance. For India, these projects represent 21st-century trade diplomacy: sovereignty respected, partnerships meaningful, trust as the currency of influence.
China and Russia in numbers
India’s trade in 2025-26 reflects strong growth, persistent structural challenges and strategic dependencies. Between April and July, exports rose nearly 20% to $5.75 billion, while imports grew 13% to $40.65 billion.
For the full 2024-25 fiscal year, exports stood at $14.25 billion against imports of $113.5 billion, highlighting the trade deficit. Over two decades, this gap has widened, from $1.1 billion in 2003-04 to $99.2 billion in 2024-25.
China remains the largest contributor in India’s total trade imbalance of $283 billion, accounting for roughly 35%. The deficit with China alone reached $85.1 billion in 2023-24.
GTRI analysis shows India’s reliance on Chinese imports in critical sectors: 97.7% of erythromycin, 96.8% of silicon wafers, 86% of flat-panel displays, 82.7% of solar cells, 75.2% of lithium-ion batteries, 80.5% of laptops, 91.4% of embroidery machinery and 98.9% of viscose yarn are Chinese-sourced.
Ajay Srivastava, GTRI founder, warns that such dominance gives Beijing leverage, turning supply chains into instruments of pressure during political tensions.
India’s exports to China have dwindled to just 11.2% of bilateral trade, down from 42.3% two decades ago. Most imports are raw materials and capital goods used in domestic manufacturing and exports, highlighting structural gaps rather than purely strategic over-reliance.
As for India-Russia trade, bilateral trade hit a record $68.7 billion in FY 2024-25, nearly six times the pre-pandemic level of $10.1 billion, with India exporting $4.88 billion and importing $63.84 billion.
Indian exports include agricultural products, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, iron and steel, ceramics, machinery, aeroplane components, glassware, textiles, leather goods and electrical equipment.
Russian exports comprise oil and petroleum products, fertilisers, machinery, mineral fuels, precious metals and vegetable oils. Services trade remains stable, favouring Russia with $1.021 billion in 2021.
Also Read: Why Modi’s chat with China’s command centre Cai Qi, not Xi, may decide what happens next
Both sides aim to reach $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030.
Investments have grown steadily. India’s investments in Russia stood at $16 billion in October 2023, up from $6.5 billion in 2011, while Russian investments in India reached around $20 billion.
Indian capital flows focus on energy and pharmaceuticals; Russian investments target energy, petrochemicals, banking, railways and steel. Leaders aim for USD 50 billion in bilateral investment by 2025.
However, trilateral cooperation under the RIC (Russia, India, China) framework remains largely aspirational. Political cohesion exists on paper, but meaningful economic projects have yet to materialise.
India–China tensions continue to constrain initiatives, even as both maintain strong bilateral ties with Moscow.
Opportunity in reform and people-to-people ties
The third pillar of Modi’s regional vision, opportunity, extends beyond economics. For India, it encompasses cooperation connecting people: startups, youth empowerment, traditional medicine, digital inclusion and cultural heritage.
Modi suggested creating a Civilisational Dialogue Forum under SCO to showcase art, literature and traditions globally: “Our effort was to take SCO beyond governments. Connect common people, young scientists, scholars and startups as well.”
He argued that confining the Global South’s aspirations to outdated frameworks is unjust: “We cannot project the colourful dreams of the new generation on an old black-and-white screen. The screen needs to be changed.”
Domestic reforms are central to this vision.
“We are constantly working on wide-ranging reforms. This is opening up new opportunities for development in the country as well as international cooperation. I invite all of you to join India's development journey.”
Also Read: In China, SCO member states formally adopt India's vision of "One Earth, One Family, One Future"
Modi also welcomed SCO’s evolving approach to contemporary challenges: “Four new centers are being created to deal with contemporary challenges like organised crime, drug trafficking and cyber security. We welcome this reform-oriented mindset.”
He extended the vision to global reform: “SCO members can increase mutual cooperation for reforms in global institutions. On the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, we can unanimously call for UN reform.”
The road ahead
Modi’s three-letter formula -- S, O, C -- is less a slogan and more a layered statement, aimed differently at each actor:
To Pakistan: terrorism will not be normalised.
To China: connectivity projects cannot ignore sovereignty.
To Russia: keep the INSTC alive despite sanctions.
The formula signals India’s intent: security without compromise, connectivity with respect, and opportunity that extends beyond elites to people themselves.
Whether geopolitics allows these ambitions to take full shape remains to be seen. For now, S, O, C stands as a statement of vision, strategy and principle.
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